Colombia – March 29, 2025 – Colombia is grappling with its most severe humanitarian crisis in over a decade as escalating conflict in the northeastern Catatumbo region forces mass displacement and raises concerns about the government's response. The surge in militarization under President Gustavo Petro, while intended to quell violence, is drawing criticism for mirroring the heavy-handed tactics of his right-wing predecessors and further marginalizing communities long neglected by the state.
The recent crisis was ignited when the National Liberation Army (ELN), a prominent guerrilla group, launched an offensive against the 33rd Front, a rival armed faction in Catatumbo, located within the department of Norte de Santander. In response, President Petro invoked emergency powers on January 21st, authorizing curfews and other restrictions on civilian movement. This move paved the way for a significant military deployment, with over 5,000 soldiers reinforcing existing bases in the region, effectively plunging the state into open conflict with the ELN.
Local social movements have voiced strong opposition to this militarized approach, arguing that it directly contradicts President Petro's "Total Peace" strategy, which aimed for negotiated settlements with armed groups. They contend that the escalation of conflict and the resulting mass displacement are exacerbating the deep-seated issues of systemic neglect and human rights violations that have plagued Catatumbo for years.
The scale of the current crisis is staggering. By March, the conflict had impacted 91,879 individuals, marking the largest single-event mass displacement in recent Colombian history. Among those affected, 56,091 people have been displaced from their homes, while another 27,381 face severe restrictions on their movement within the Catatumbo region due to the intense activity of armed groups. Tragically, at least 80 people are known to have been killed, including former guerrillas who had signed onto peace agreements and a respected campesino (rural worker) leader.
Displaced individuals have sought refuge in the municipalities of Tibú and Ocaña, as well as the border city of Cúcuta, which lies adjacent to Venezuela. Many others have fled the Norte de Santander department entirely, seeking safety elsewhere in Colombia.
In February, a humanitarian convoy was mobilized to provide much-needed aid to the affected populations. This effort garnered support from a range of actors, including the United Nations, international non-governmental organizations, and local grassroots initiatives.
However, accessing those in need remains a significant challenge. "Access has been very complicated because the ELN continues to be a very dominant force in the region," explained Elizabeth Dickinson, senior analyst for Colombia at the International Crisis Group, in an interview with FairPlanet.
Dickinson further elaborated on the dynamics of the conflict, noting that the ELN and the 33rd Front had previously established territorial agreements. However, this fragile coexistence fractured when the 33rd Front gained social influence and political capital through agreements related to land rights and infrastructure development, particularly within the context of ongoing peace negotiations with the Colombian state. This perceived encroachment on their authority led to the ELN's aggressive actions. Dickinson also highlighted the ELN's attempts to control the flow of aid and information, stating, "They’ve tried to influence which civil society organisations are able to participate in everything from humanitarian rallies to distribution."
Amid the chaos, air evacuations have been conducted for hundreds of individuals considered to be at imminent risk, including former guerrillas from the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and prominent social leaders. "That was primarily demobilised fighters from the former FARC who were targeted explicitly by ELN," Dickinson noted, underscoring the continued dangers faced by those who participated in the 2016 Peace Agreement. This agreement, which aimed to end decades of conflict between the Colombian government and the FARC, included provisions for the state to protect demobilized guerrillas from retaliatory violence.
Despite the swift military response, a robust civilian state presence and adequate security guarantees for human rights defenders in Catatumbo remain conspicuously absent. This disparity further fuels the sense of abandonment and disenfranchisement among the local population.
A History of Neglect and Violence
Giovanni Rizzo, Colombia director for the Norwegian Refugee Council, emphasized the long-standing nature of the crisis, stating in January, "The reactivation of clashes between organised armed groups in northeastern Colombia has forced thousands of civilians to flee their homes, exacerbating a decades-long humanitarian crisis."
Catatumbo's geographic remoteness, nestled between the Andean mountains, dense jungle, and sprawling agricultural lands bordering Venezuela's oil-rich Lake Maracaibo region, mirrors its political marginalization. For decades, successive Colombian governments have failed to adequately address the demands of the region's inhabitants for access to basic public services and a stronger, more responsive civilian presence of the state. This neglect has persisted despite promises of a transition to peace following various demobilization efforts.
Even after the landmark 2016 Peace Agreement with the FARC, Catatumbo continued to experience displacement, kidnappings, and massacres. The local population has been left to contend with pervasive poverty and the constant threat posed by a multitude of armed groups.
The Indigenous Barí community, a small group of less than 6,000 people whose ancestral lands lie along the Catatumbo River, have been particularly vulnerable. They have endured centuries of colonial violence, compounded by the abuses and disrespect for their territorial autonomy perpetrated by both the Colombian state and occupying armed groups. The United Nations Refugee Agency has reported that the current humanitarian crisis in Catatumbo has intensified food insecurity within Barí communities. Since January, the Ñatubaiyibari traditional authority has reported instances of displacement, confinement, and the planting of landmines on their territories by armed groups. Despite their appeals to international human rights organizations to recognize the ongoing abuses against them, their voices have often been drowned out by the larger crisis.
The Struggle for Human Rights and Economic Alternatives
Armed groups, ranging from the remnants of far-right paramilitary organizations like the Clan del Golfo, to the ELN, and evolving factions of FARC dissidents, have long vied for control of Colombia's northeast. According to Colombia's Truth Commission, the historical patterns of forced displacement across Norte de Santander have often been overlooked in national narratives.
However, this challenging environment has also fostered the emergence of resilient social leaders and strong civil society organizations in Catatumbo, as noted by Camilo Vargas Betancourt, Colombia campaigner at Amnesty International. Across Norte de Santander, which has tragically been considered the deadliest department in Colombia for human rights defenders and community leaders, these individuals and organizations face immense risks.
Members of prominent groups such as the Catatumbo Social Integration Committee (CISCA), the Catatumbo Peasant Association (ASCAMCAT), and the Luis Carlos Pérez Lawyers Collective (CCALCP) are routinely subjected to threats, surveillance, assassination attempts, and stigmatization, often falsely accused of supporting armed groups.
Over the years, activists within Catatumbo's social movements have actively opposed extractive industries and private sector development in sectors like coal mining, fossil fuels, and palm plantations, arguing that these activities harm the region's rich biodiversity, disrupt traditional ways of life, and fuel corruption.
Now, the illicit coca economy, a major source of funding for armed groups in the region, is once again at the forefront of the crisis. Norte de Santander is an agricultural region marked by high levels of poverty, with a significant portion of the population surviving on meager incomes. This economic vulnerability drives many farmers to depend on growing coca, a crop that criminalizes them and simultaneously finances the very armed groups that perpetuate instability in the region.
The 2016 Peace Agreement included provisions for voluntary crop substitution programs aimed at helping farmers transition to legal economic activities. However, these programs have not been widely successful due to a lack of consistent financing and effective state implementation, persistent insecurity in the affected areas, and extortion by armed groups, as documented by the United Nations Human Rights Council. Tibú, one of the primary destinations for displaced people, remains heavily reliant on coca cultivation, accounting for approximately 52 percent of the department's coca plantations.
Tibú has a history of being targeted by the Colombian army's forced eradication campaigns, particularly during the era of Plan Colombia under former conservative Presidents Andres Pastrana and Alvaro Uribe. These campaigns, heavily funded by the United States as part of the "War on Drugs" and anti-communist counterinsurgency efforts, employed tactics such as manual destruction and aerial glyphosate spraying. This indiscriminate approach devastated livelihoods, triggered widespread protests, escalated violence against civilians, and deepened the sense of disenfranchisement within the community.
While Colombia officially banned glyphosate spraying in 2015, the practice was controversially renewed under the government of Iván Duque, under pressure from then-U.S. President Donald Trump. President Petro halted these programs again in 2023, providing some relief to farmers, according to Betancourt. However, this coincided with an economic downturn caused by an oversupply of coca leaf. "Although this was an opportunity to develop economic alternatives, unfortunately the State’s response to this crisis was slow and uncoordinated," Betancourt stated, adding, "Today, the coca economy is once again expanding and violence has reached unprecedented levels."
In an effort to disrupt the financial flows to armed groups, President Petro announced in early March that farmers participating in voluntary crop substitution programs would receive payments roughly equivalent to $313 USD per month. However, communities already struggling with precarious economic conditions are facing even greater strain due to the ongoing humanitarian crisis.
Concerns Over Militarization and External Influence
Activists are closely watching for signs of a return to past patterns of state violence in Norte de Santander. The recent appointment of former air force general Pedro Sánchez as Colombia's new Defence Minister in February, breaking a long tradition of civilian leadership in this role since 1991, has generated considerable controversy. Sánchez has advocated for increased militarization in the northeast and the continuation of U.S. military aid, particularly as Colombia considers a potential arms deal involving F-16 fighter jets.
Amidst the ongoing armed clashes in February, President Petro drew criticism for statements suggesting that social organizations in the Catatumbo region were infiltrated with arms and subordinate to armed groups. Activists have denounced this position as disturbingly reminiscent of the rhetoric employed by previous right-wing governments, which often sought to delegitimize social movements.
CISCA, a prominent campesino organization in Catatumbo, expressed its disappointment, stating, "All these practices are typical and expected from right-wing governors, we did not expect them from your government." Similarly, the José Alvear Restrepo lawyers collective condemned the stigmatization of social struggles, writing, "This public stigmatisation reinforces the narrative that has historically sought to criminalise social struggles, legitimising the persecution against those who seek to build a country in peace and with social justice."
With the United States, potentially under a returning Trump administration, signaling a renewed commitment to the old "war on drugs" playbook for Colombia, and President Petro already facing criticism for seemingly yielding to a Trump executive order to deport Colombians, Catatumbo finds itself at a critical juncture. The current crisis threatens to deepen existing social divides, undermine efforts towards lasting peace, and further marginalize a region that has already suffered far too much.
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