Colombia – March 29, 2025 – In a nation scarred by decades of violent drug cartels and persistent criminal organizations, a parallel force has emerged in Colombia: a sprawling private security industry that now eclipses the country's own police and military in sheer numbers. Fueled by a seemingly insatiable demand for protection, these private firms employ nearly half a million armed citizens, licensed to kill and deeply embedded in the fabric of Colombian society. From guarding gated communities and ferrying the elite to potentially running privatized prisons, their influence is undeniable. However, as an investigation reveals, their close ties to the far-right, paramilitary groups, and even the drug cartels themselves raise serious questions about their role in exacerbating, rather than alleviating, Colombia's endemic insecurity.   

The expansion of this private security apparatus gained significant momentum during the administration of former President Iván Duque, particularly during the COVID-19 pandemic. The government broadened the scope of potential clients to include sectors like education, media, sports, and culture, and even opened the door for the privatization of prisons under the watch of contracted security companies. This burgeoning industry now accounts for over 1 percent of Colombia's Gross Domestic Product. Furthermore, Duque's administration eased regulations, reducing requirements and inspections for establishing these firms and granting licenses renewable only once every ten years – effectively making them exceedingly difficult to revoke.   

The roots of this phenomenon can be traced back to the 1990s, the zenith of the Colombian drug cartels' power. Oficinas de cobro (collection offices), often run by paramilitary leaders or retired law enforcement officials, offered a form of security to those who operated outside the law. These shadowy entities facilitated the movement of illicit goods, profits, and weapons, provided bodyguards to cartel figures, and employed sicarios (hired assassins) to eliminate rivals and enforce internal discipline.   

From Cartel Enforcers to Legitimate Businesses

As the major drug cartels fragmented, the oficinas astutely adapted, often offering their services to warring factions simultaneously, profiting from the ensuing chaos. Shockingly, since their inception, sicarios are estimated to be responsible for half of all murders in Colombia. While still employed for settling criminal disputes, the "democratization" of assassination means hired killers, sometimes costing as little as US $100, are now used to resolve personal grievances as well.   

The prevalence of sicarios and the high homicide rates have inadvertently fueled the growth of legitimate private security companies, now numbering around eight thousand nationwide. Many former paramilitary leaders and oficina managers have transitioned into this legal sector, either establishing their own firms or becoming associates in existing ones, thereby broadening their clientele to include legitimate businesses and individuals seeking protection.   

Government Contracts and Murky Alliances

The most coveted client for these private security firms is the Colombian government itself, particularly the National Protection Unit (UNP). Established at the urging of the international community, the UNP is a massive institution tasked with safeguarding government officials, journalists, and individuals at high risk of assassination from guerrilla groups and criminal organizations.   

The government not only provides lucrative contracts but also extends preferential treatment, including covering benefits for retired police and military personnel hired by these companies. However, the UNP, with its exponentially increasing budget over the past decade, has become mired in accusations of corruption and abuse. High-ranking officials, including a former director, have been imprisoned for connections to drug traffickers and criminal entities. Disturbingly, the UNP has also been accused of using its witness protection services as a cover for employing known criminals as bodyguards.   

The UNP's current director, Augusto Rodríguez, appointed by President Gustavo Petro to cleanse the institution of criminal influence, narrowly escaped an assassination attempt before even taking office. His constant need for protection, even within his own agency, underscores the deep-seated infiltration of criminal elements. Recent journalistic investigations have further complicated matters, linking Rodríguez to a notorious criminal figure, "Papa Pitufo," highlighting the persistent entanglement between the Colombian state and organized crime.

Adding to the alarming picture, evidence has emerged of drug cartels utilizing UNP armored vehicles – intended to protect those under threat – to transport narcotics. A recent discovery of 150 kilograms of cocaine in one such vehicle underscores the extent of this infiltration.   

Of the ten thousand bodyguards employed by the UNP, a mere 10 percent are directly hired. The vast majority are sourced from private security companies. While many employees are former military or police, a significant number are demobilized paramilitaries or even former guerrillas. Critically, these individuals are not officially vetted for ties to criminal organizations, leading to a situation where many operate on both sides of the law, as evidenced by the recent capture of sicarios carrying credentials from private security firms.   

Erosion of State Control and Data Privacy

The dismantling of Colombia's former secret police, the Administrative Department of Security (DAS), after it was caught wiretapping and selling sensitive information to criminal and paramilitary groups, offered a temporary glimmer of hope. However, over eight hundred former DAS agents were subsequently absorbed into the UNP, either directly or through private security companies, raising concerns about the continuity of corrupt practices.   

It is estimated that over a third of the UNP's contracted bodyguards come from companies owned by Jorge Arturo Moreno, the so-called "czar of security." Despite a seven-year prison sentence for unfair business practices and currently living as a fugitive in Miami, Moreno's companies, including the largest, Guardianes, continue to secure lucrative government contracts.   

The growing power of private security companies extends beyond personnel. They have recently been granted access to closed-circuit television feeds in residential complexes and are now able to process citizens' data for their own purposes. Their reach extends to risk evaluation for administrative processes, labor recruitment, predictive analysis in hiring, data analysis, facial recognition, and predictive intelligence. Many are also incorporating robotics, artificial intelligence, and drones into their service offerings.   

Private Armies for Conglomerates and the Legacy of Foreign Involvement

Beyond urban security, the Colombian government has granted large conglomerates licenses to operate their own private armies, complete with weapons. Business groups, particularly in mining, agro-industry, and cattle ranching, also contract paramilitary groups to protect themselves from leftist guerrillas and criminal organizations.   

The state-owned oil giant Ecopetrol, under the guise of protecting its pipelines, infamously hired the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC), the largest paramilitary criminal organization at the time, to safeguard its interests, which included the assassination of protesting union and community leaders.   

US corporations have a long history of employing paramilitary organizations for security and illicit activities. Chiquita Brands International admitted to paying nearly two million dollars to the AUC and supplying them with thousands of assault rifles and millions of rounds of ammunition, even while the AUC was listed as a terrorist organization by the US State Department. Mining giants Drummond Company and Glencore International have also faced accusations of hiring AUC paramilitary forces as private security for their Colombian operations, during which several union leaders were assassinated. In 2001, Coca-Cola was accused in a Miami court of directing paramilitary forces who committed extreme violence against trade union leaders, charges the company denies.   

Colombia's Mercenary Pipeline: A Global Threat

Colombia boasts Latin America's largest military force, battle-hardened by decades of internal conflict. Upon retirement or demobilization, elite soldiers often find lucrative opportunities in the private security sector or as mercenaries on the global stage. Their experience in armed conflict, US training (often with an anti-communist focus), and comparatively lower cost make them highly sought after in the international private security market.   

To capitalize on these opportunities, highly trained Colombian military personnel often retire early or even defect. This constant drain of qualified personnel leaves the government military understaffed and perpetually engaged in training new recruits. To counter this, the Colombian military has modified contracts to require a minimum period of service before soldiers can transition to the private sector.   

Between 2000 and 2017, the US government's Plan Colombia, aimed at combating leftist guerrillas, poured over $10 billion in aid into the country, with the majority directed towards the military and police. However, a significant portion of these funds was channeled back to American private military contractors, such as Blackwater (now Academi), who charged exorbitant fees for training and equipping Colombian forces and paramilitaries.   

These US-based contractors, with their Pentagon and State Department connections, often recruit retired elite Colombian military officers or paramilitaries. In 2009, Blackwater established the first mercenary recruiting company in Colombia. Since then, Colombian mercenaries have been deployed by these contractors to fight in conflicts across the globe, including Iraq, Afghanistan, Yemen, and currently, Ukraine.   

The Russian ambassador to Colombia has accused Colombian mercenaries fighting alongside Ukrainian forces of being nothing more than terrorists. The Colombian government estimates that dozens of its citizens have already been killed in the conflict, with many more missing in action.

Adding another layer of complexity, Colombian mercenaries are also being recruited to fight for Mexican drug cartels, a testament to their lethal expertise. Furthermore, they have been implicated in carrying out selective assassinations and even attempting to topple regimes, as evidenced by the detention of Colombian paramilitaries in Venezuela in 2004 for an alleged plot to assassinate then-President Hugo Chávez, and the involvement of Colombian mercenaries in the assassination of the president of Haiti.   

Alarmingly, the same private security contractors that deploy mercenaries internationally are also actively supplying killers within Colombia. President Petro himself has survived multiple assassination attempts, highlighting the pervasive threat.   

A Regulatory Vacuum and a Future of Uncertainty

Neither the United States nor Colombia have signed the UN's International Convention Against the Recruitment, Use, Financing and Training of Mercenaries. This legal loophole allows the US and its private contractors to deny responsibility for the actions of mercenaries they employ. Crimes committed by these soldiers of fortune are deemed the sole responsibility of the individuals themselves.   

Despite numerous UN resolutions aimed at curbing the mercenary industry, the lack of support from key nations like the United States ensures its continued growth, driven by immense profits.   

The return of combat-hardened mercenaries to Colombia poses a significant domestic threat. Often suffering from PTSD and other mental health issues without access to proper care, they are easily recruited by criminal organizations or private security companies as enforcers or assassins.

In a disturbing reflection of the accessibility of violence, companies like "Tu Escolta Ya" (Your Own Bodyguard Now) in Cali offer armed protection as easily as ordering a ride-sharing service. This "democratization" of private security, however, comes with profound risks. Without adequate vetting and transparency regarding the ties between security companies and criminal organizations, and with the continued infiltration of criminal elements within state protection agencies, the pervasive sense of insecurity in Colombia is more palpable than ever. The lines between legitimate protection and organized crime continue to blur, casting a long shadow over the country's future. 

[Copyright (c) Global Economic Times. All Rights Reserved.]